Organizational Development in HRD Case Study Research Paper

Organizational Development in HRD Case Study - Research Paper Example She manages the situation stating that knowing more about the history and long term objectives of the firm is essential to answer their queries. The members are happy with the interaction as they have little knowledge about CQI. Stepchuck is taking advantage of the client’s ignorance by assigning Todd as an expert in CQI. Although Todd is genuine and wants to ensure openness, the president insists her to continue with the project. Now Todd has two options; either quit the job or take up the role of CQI expert. (1). At this juncture, the new job raises certain ethical dilemmas that Todd has to address immediately. Both ‘role ambiguity and role conflict’ are identified in the context, because as stated above â€Å"neither the client nor the OD practitioner is clear about the respective responsibilities† (p. 62). Moreover, the role ambiguity and role conflict will lead to subsequent dilemmas especially ‘coercion, value and goal conflict, and technical ineptness’. To illustrate, Todd does not want to jeopardize her honesty while working with the new project. At the same time she wants to help her client in some way, though CQI is not her cup of tea. The current dilemmas can be solely attributed to the unethical stance of Todd’s employer, because his intention is entirely different from that of the client firm and his staff Todd. Evidently, Stepchuck is running a profit driven business heeding little attention to the actual needs or interests of the clients. As the case indicates, if the client is not sure about the issues they want to address, an unethical professional like Stepchuck tends to take unfair advantage of the situation. Even if Todd undertakes the assignment, she may have to face challenges associated with the stated dilemmas. (2). The way Todd responded to the situation at the meeting seems reasonable. A professional like Todd does not want to disclose the

Bipolar Disorder Assessment and Community Intervention Programs Assignment

Bipolar Disorder Assessment and Community Intervention Programs - Assignment Example In the market, as it is, there are three versions of the Beck Depression Inventory, which are basically improvements on previous versions (Parker & Ketter, 2010). The original version was first introduced for use in 1961 and is generally referred to as the BDI (Parker & Ketter, 2010). This was later in 1978 revised into the BDI-1A, which was also consequently modified into 1996’s BDI-II (Parker & Ketter, 2010). Presently, the BDI-II remains the most widely used version of the Beck Depression Inventory (Parker & Ketter, 2010). The BDI is a 21 question inventory of self-report rating which evaluates the common symptoms and attitudes associated with bipolar disorder (Rosner, 2014). The BDI is available in a number of different convenient forms such as computerized forms and card forms (Clinical Psychology, 2015). The forms require approximately 10 minutes to successfully complete (Beck Depression Inventory-II, 2015). However, the user requires a 5th to the 6th grade level of read ing competency in order that they may properly understand the questions and thus respond appropriately (Parker & Ketter, 2010). The multiple choice questionnaire, which is suited for persons who are 13 years of age and over, delves on items that determine presence/ absence of symptoms of bipolar disorder like irritability, hopelessness, feeling of being punished, guilt, fatigue, lack/ loss of interest in sex, loss of weight, and so on (Clinical Psychology, 2015).The assessment can be self-administered or done verbally by a trained administrator. The user of the instrument has the responsibility of ensuring appropriate use of the test, such as in administration, interpretation, application, and scoring of the results (Clinical Psychology, 2015). Some test instances can be given and rated/ scaled by persons with lower levels of training as long as they remain under the supervision of a qualified user (Parker & Ketter, 2010).  

The Role of a Strategic Leader in an Organization Essay Example for Free

The Role of a Strategic Leader in an Organization Essay Role of Indian Media in the New Age The following is the speech given by Shri Kapil Sibal, Minister of HRD and C IT, on the topic: Role of Indian Media in the New Ag, presiding as the Chief Guest for the Press Club Awards for Excellence in Journalism , on 5th May, 2012 at The NSCI, Worli, Mumbai. I am privileged to be here with you on a day the media celebrates its exceptional performers. I congratulate all those who have received awards and wish them continued success in their profession. The media has emerged as a pillar of the modern State. nbsp; The foundation of a modern democratic State lies in its ability to secure fundamental rights promised to its people, to deliver Justice and lead its people to economic and social progress. Democracy is defined by freedom of speech and expression. Media is an embodiment of these rights that define democracy. If we look back into history, the emergence of the modern nation-state where the sovereignty vested in its people is closely related to the spread of the printing press. Guttenberg ¤Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬ws Bible (the first printed book) was a precursor to the spread of emocracy and republican thought across the world. Rousseau was mild mannered, but his thoughts disseminated by the newspapers in the coffee houses of Paris resulted in the French Revolution. Liberty, Equality and Fraternity as the slogan for the Revolution owes much to the media of the day. The Indian media has been truly a pillar of the Indian State. Eternal vigilance is the price of freedom. The Indian media has indeed been vigilant and persuasive in protection of freedoms and awakening thought. If we have preserved our democracy in the midst of periodic lapses into ictatorships in our neighbourhood, the credit should go to our founding fathers who created robust institutions and to the media who kept a vigilant watch at preserving these institutions. However, the nature of media has also been changing over the last two decades. The emergence of the electronic media in India over two decades ago since the first war to be witnessed live by millions in the cosy comforts of their homes, brought the power of imagery to the forefront. The growing dominance of imagery over substance in an era where time is of the essence and competition is ntense, has brought about the need for stoking fires, beaming controversies and heated debates in the media. The divergence of approach between the print and the electronic media has been amply demonstrated in the events of the last year. Today ¤ es media does not provide much space for settling differences, it prefers to dog the protagonists forever reminding them of the past. There is a problem with this approach. We do not sufficiently celebrate our achievements, we do not appreciate the progress that we make. The spread of negative sentiment leads to despondency and inaction. Infact, today ¤Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬ws headline in a prominent newspaper speaks of the fear that stalks the corridors of bureaucracy. Despite the exhortation of the Prime Minister, the civil services today is afraid of action, for any action can be questioned. Faith and trust in all institutions are being eroded. Rampant mistrust, I believe, has slowed governance and if not corrected, can imperil the foundations of democracy. We have much to correct, but it is necessary for room for correction to be available. When there is a dispute in a family, the members retire to a place of seclusion to ettle eir tn ditterences. Today, there is no such place available due to the omnipotence of media. Competition spurs innovation, but unhealthy competition can lead to pandering. The rush for eyeballs in a crush of problems leads to extremes being aired rather than the moderate being heard. In such a situation, the responsibility of the media to the larger society gets diluted.    At the same time, I would for one strongly oppose attempts to impose responsibility through regulatory action. It is for the media to ponder and find solutions for itself. If the media fails to o so, Just as we are witnessing a clamour for Judicial accountability because the judiciary has not succeeded in inculcating responsibility within itself, a similar clamour for media accountability would grow. Another trend that has emerged in the recent years is the growth of the social media riding in the ICT revolution. Social interactions have exploded as never before, aided by the connecting power of the internet. The ability of thoughts to converge and congregate have multiplied manifold.

Stigma in Mental Illness: Causes and Impacts

Stigma in Mental Illness: Causes and Impacts This chapter will examine the term stigma and discuss the negative attitudes that the public hold towards mental health and mental illness and suggest why they may have adopted these views and attitudes. It will also address the medias role in portraying these views and sustaining these attitudes towards mental illness. An enormous number of individuals are affected by mental illness worldwide: the World Health Organization (WHO) (2001) has estimated that 1 in 5 persons will suffer from a mental illness each year. A question that could be asked if mental illness is a dominant and prevalent issue within society today why do people still hold these negative views and attitudes within society? Finally the chapter will conclude by making some recommendations for practice, ways that stigma can be reduced and how mental health and mental illness can be portrayed in a more positive light. To fully appreciate the views and attitudes towards mental illness it is important to understand the concept of stigma. Stigma is derived from the Greek for a mark branded on a slave or criminal (White, 1998). Goffmans (1963) seminal work on stigmatization has, over the years, stimulated a great variety of educational discussion on the nature, sources, and effects of stigma (Link and Phelan, 2001). According to Goffman (1963) stigma is a physical or psychological mark of disgrace that makes an individual stand out from society. Three types of stigmatizing marks identified by Goffman include, Abominations of the body, tribal stigma, and blemishes of individual character (Goffman, 1963, pg 14). People who encompass these physical or psychological marks are often devalued and dehumanised which consequently leads to their position within society being corrupted by the distressing effects of stigmatization (Goffman, 1963). A definition that can be seen to encompass all aspects alongside Goffman is offered by Miles (1981) cited in Brunton (1997) who says, Societal reaction which singles out certain attributes evaluates them as an undesirable and devalues the persons who possess them. (p. 892) The suffering and loss of opportunities that seems to always come hand in hand with a diagnosis of mental illness can be seen to be connected to the psychiatric symptoms that can be observed e.g. talking to voices, the decrease in daily functioning, and the dip in a persons social functioning in society (Corrigan and Wassel, 2008). However, the loss of opportunities and the person with a mental illness devaluing their own self worth take place for the reason of the stigma that surrounds mental illness (Corrigan and Kleinlein, 2005). For the purposes of this dissertation negative attitudes refers to discriminatory attitudes that are based on prejudice, stereotypes or inaccurate information. Stereotypes are firmly set judgements that are learnt throughout life and held firmly in our mind (Stier and Hinshaw, 2007). They are discriminating views or images related to members of particular groups (Corrigan and Wassel, 2008). Prejudice effects individuals in an emotional manner (Stier and Hinshaw, 2007) and occurs when people within society have the same opinion about a particular stereotype and affix this to a group of people making negative connotations towards that particular group (Corrigan and Wassel, 2008). Then again, Corrigan and Wassel (2008) state that discriminative behaviour can be seen as a direct result of prejudice. This involves a specific group being treated in a dissimilar way leading to that group not being able to access opportunities available to them or their rights being restricted (Stier and Hin shaw, 2007). Negative attitudes towards people with mental distress may be manifested by physical and verbal abuse, problems in the workplace or discrimination from people who provide services to people with a mental illness (Mind, 2010). Negative attitudes are partly constructed in the language we use to describe mental illness. People with mental distress are often being described in derogatory terms. For example, perpetrators of acts of violence are often described as Lunatics, mad person (Tudor, 1996), schizos, nutters, psychos, fiends, monsters and maniacs (Twomley, 2007). This makes a clear link between violence and mental distress, it must be acknowledged though that not everyone who is violent necessarily has a mental illness. Angermeyer and Schulze (2001) suggest the general public view people with mental illness as bizarre, fear-provoking, impulsive, violent and lack self-discipline. From this, therefore, it could be suggested that people who have a mental illness are deviants or have deviant behaviour. Becker (1963) defines deviance as any trait or behaviour that was abnormal when compared to the average population (pg. ). If mental illness is classed as deviant then how bad does someone have to act or behave to be classed as deviant. This demonstrates that social rules that are made allow people to judge others as different or in this case deviant (Becker, 1963). This is further supported by Baumann (2007) who suggest that the individuals picture of the world is created by comparatively constant norms, principles and expectations. Angermeyer and Matschinger (2005) suggests a diagnosis of schizophrenia has, particularly, been found to be stigmatizing and linked with negative stereotypes such as violence and dangerousness. This shows that by mental health being medicalised it is profoundly unhelpful due to the diagnostic terms such as psychosis which can shackle people to the mental health system (Watkins, 2007). In contrast Shepherd et al (2008) describe the recovery model   as taking ownership and responsibility for an illness and what can and cant be done, focusing on the strengths and issues rather than a diagnosis. This is a reliable source provided by the Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health. The recovery model will be discussed more in-depth in chapter three. There is no doubt that the media plays a part in reinforcing the attitudes towards mental health and mental illness. In everyday life the public come into contact with the media by newspapers, TV and radio on a daily basis. The way people with a mental illness are viewed as dangerous can be seen to be fuelled by tabloid media publicity about psycho-killers (Tudor, 1996). Examples of this are included in the appendix. The report, Screening for madness, by Byrne (2009) reveals that films representations of people with experience of mental health problems have become more harmful, he suggests that, Mental health stereotypes have not changed over a century of cinema. If anything, the comedy is crueler and the deranged psycho killer even more demonic. (pg. 4) One flew over the Cuckoos Nest can be seen as the film most remembered for depicting someone with a mental illness acting strangely or violently (reference). Even though this was released 35 years ago it shows the influence of movie stereotypes on attitudes and how these can last generations. This is also demonstrated with the recent film Batman-the Dark Knight depicting mental illness with violence which more or less is based around the mental illness schizophrenia (Byrne, 2009). This would suggest that ignorance and lack of understanding of mental illness are still very prominent in society today. It must be acknowledged there are some exceptions to this, of more recent films that have portrayed a less sensational and more insightful picture of mental illness. For instance, A Beautiful Mind, in 2002, depicted the true story of a maths genius who had a diagnosis of schizophrenia, while Shine, in 1996, was the story of a brilliant pianist who had a diagnosis of bipolar disorder. Nevertheless, the more positive portrayals can represent mental distress as exotic, dramatic or romantic in ways that bear little resemblance to real-life experiences (Lott, 2006). Likewise, media portrayals of mental health have been far from flattering and largely sensationalized. A survey undertaken in 2000 by MIND found that 73% of people with mental health problems felt that the reporting of mental health issues were unjust, biased and pessimistic (MIND, 2000 cited in Rethink, 2006). In addition a study by Chopra and Doody (1997) looked at 98 newspaper articles and found there was no significant difference in the portrayal of schizophrenia. They did find overall that 36.1% of articles were negative in tone, 56.7% were neutral and 7.2% were positive. The word schizophrenic is often used in tabloid stories in conjunction with violent events, somehow suggesting that the diagnosis can justify why the violence happened in the first place (Twomey, 2007). In reality, the person who happens to have a diagnosis of schizophrenia may have acted in such a way due to taking illegal drugs or may have a violent personality, we need to look at all aspect of what led to a violent situation happening and not just that someone was mentally ill. The media can often be seen to be responsible for stigmatizing stereotypes of mental illness (Byrne, 1997),however, if the media was used to its potential it can challenge prejudice, enlighten and instigate discussions, helping to reduce the stigma that is so often experienced by people with a mental illness (Salter and Byrne, 2000). It is still evident through reporting on mental health that a diagnosis of a mental illness is linked to violence. There is however, some evidence of positive change where The Sun newspaper was made to remove a headline of Bonkers Bruno locked up which was reporting on the sectioning of the boxer frank Bruno under the Mental Health Act (MIND, 2010). In 2006, the Press Complaints Commission (PCC) published a code of practice, which banned the use of stigmatising language around mental illness which reduced the use of the terms such as schizo and nutter (PCC, 2006). This gives an example of just how much the media has moved on over the years and that there are some strategies to prevent harm being done to people with mental health problems. Becker (1963) concludes that people who are mentally ill are blamed for things that happen in society therefore you would think they would be punished or persecuted. It must be acknowledged that there are extensive resources devoted to the benevolent care and support of those with an enduring mental illness. Even though this is an old source it is relevant even today and apparent how services are developing for people with mental health problems. Nevertheless, people suffering from a mental illness are still feared and excluded from society (Becker, 1963 and Watkins, 2007). When people have acute mental health problems they can appear to the public to be frightening and exhibit odd behaviours which can often lead to police involvement (Taylor, 2008). At such times they can commit criminal acts, often escaping prosecution due to their mental illness at the time (Bowers, 1998; Taylor, 2008). Therefore, it could be argued that the public hold these views due to such examples where peopl e are excused from their actions on the basis of some supposed illness. It could be suggested that they should be held accountable for their actions as anyone else would be (Bowers, 1998). It can be argued that these attitudes towards mental illness can be seen in a direct parallel to racism (Bowers, 1998). So why do people continue showing negative attitudes and views towards mental health as much work has been done in helping to combat racism, can the same not be done for people with mental illness. Negative attitudes towards individuals with mental illness is widespread and can be capable of creating a significant barrier to treatment (Piner and Kahle, 1984). It has been established that negative attitudes can be individually the most significant obstruction to integration of people with a mental illness in to society (Piner and Kahle, 1984). Negative attitudes towards mental health can influence the path and result of their mental illness (Bowers, 1998). This can also lead to self-stigma which occurs when an individual with a mental health illness internalizes the stigma and believes they are of less value (Halter, 2004; Corrigan, 2007). This may result in low self-worth, loss of dignity, and lead to feelings of hopelessness (Campbell and Deacon, 2006). People who experience a mental illness often see no potential for them to undertake full time employment due to internalizing these negative attitudes that are held about the psychiatric system (Watkins, 2007). If we dont help people recover from mental illnesses it is inevitable that it may become an enduring illness. An analogy given compares it to having a broken leg; if you dont rest it then it wont heal properly, the same could be said for the mind. Maybe if people were more positive towards mental health and mental illness then people with mental health problems would be encouraged to flourish in the community and not be seen as deviant. This is supported by Sayce (2000) who suggests that being part of the social foundations of the community is necessary for our psychological well being. Generally most people would like to think they are compassionate and have inclusive attitudes towards people who experience a breakdown in their mental health (Ross and Read, 2004). Except, discrimination is still communicated in everyday social situations in subtly distancing, condescending exchanges, flippant outlooks or obvious hostility leaving people feeling socially isolated (Watkins, 2007). This could be due to the fact that mental illness shows how fragile human nature is therefore peoples/societies anxieties and fears about mental health may be due to seeing the potential that any one of us could develop a mental health disorder (Becker, 1963). From my practice to date the following example really brought home to me the level of stigma and negative attitudes people have towards mental illness. When listening to an account from a service user it made me realise how public attitudes towards people with mental health difficulties is still a big issue and a real challenge for health care professionals. Mary explained that when taking a taxi to give a talk to students about living with mental illness she got talking to the taxi driver. At first he thought she was a lecturer but when she explained what she was going to do he became very quiet and stopped conversation with her. She found this a very ignorant and closed way of dealing with the situation and became quite upset about it. Having examined the concepts of stigma, discussed the negative attitudes that the public hold towards mental health and mental illness, suggested why they may have adopted these views and attitudes and addressed the medias role in portraying these views and sustaining these attitudes towards mental illness. It is now important to draw some recommendations and challenges that can help reduce the stigma of mental illness and promote a more positive picture to members of the public. These recommendations include education and public contact. Firstly, education of the public both at school and after (Murphy et al 1993; Penn et al 1994) about mental health and its prevalence among every one of us is really important. Education is widely approved for influencing prejudice and discrimination (Corrigan and Wassel, 2008). Corrigan and Wassel (2008) ask the important question, If people had the correct knowledge or effective problem solving skills, would they be able to give up public stigma and handle associated concerns more directly? (pg. 45) Education can generate small effects on attitudes; unfortunately, this kind of change in attitude is seen to not be maintained over time (Corrigan et al, 2001). This demonstrates the need to continually re-educate people to reinforce the message. Challenging the public is most effective when it targets people who frequently interact with individuals with mental illness: landlords, employers, GPs, police officers etc (Corrigan and Wassel, 2008). Secondly, most importantly the media needs to comply with their code of practice (2006). If something does appear in the media that appears stigmatising people should protest against it not accept it and reiterate that it wont be tolerated. As nurses we need to encourage that positive things surrounding mental health of mental health are promoted in the media. Lastly, the public need more contact with people who are experiencing mental health difficulties. This type of contact can provide the most healthy and positive findings toward changing public stigma (Penn et al,1994; Pettigrew and Tropp, 2000). It can be something as small as someone speaking about their mental illness in a group situation to co-workers learning of someone coping with a mental illness. The effectiveness of utilising contact can be improved when the person with a mental illness is seen by society as in the same social class as them (Gaertner et al, 1996). In Link and Cullens (1986) study they found people who had contact with someone who had a mental illness showed much lower anxiety around danger compared to those who had no contact. Murphy et als (1993) study contradicted this as they found having contact with someone with a mental illness did not impact on their attitude. However, they did establish that people who spoke of having knowledge of mental illness showe d a reduced anxiety and fear of mental illness. Finally, the prevalence of mental illness in society cannot be underestimated. As previously alluded to with 1 in 5 people suffering from a mental illness (WHO, 2001) we cannot afford to ignore the impact of stigma, all health care professionals especially nurses need to advocate for clients and work with others to promote and protect the health and wellbeing of those in their care, their families and carers, and the wider community (Nursing and Midwifery Council, 2008). Having discussed the views and attitudes that the public hold towards mental illness and those experiencing mental health difficulties it is now important, in the next chapter, to examine the views and attitudes of general nurses. Many will come into contact with people with mental health problems particularly in accident and emergency (a and e) and a medical setting.

Anorexia Essay -- essays research papers

The Causes and Effects of Anorexia   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  When I think of anorexia, a few things come to mind. I think of really bad episodes of Beverly Hills 90210 and Baywatch in which females, ususally teenagers, starve themselves and take diet pills. The eating problem is always resolved within the timespan of one 30 minute episode. From the research I've done thus far on anorexia, I now know that this is a very unrealistic representation of what is actually a very serious disease.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The purpose of this study is twofold. First, I have done extensive research on the causes and effects of anorexia. Secondly, I will produce a survey that asks basic questions about anorexia. I will give these to young adults from the ages of 15 to 35. This will serve as my means to find out just how much people of that certain age group know about the potentially deadly disease of anorexia. This research is not only to inform myself about anorexia, but also to inform myself about the knowledge or lack thereof that young people have about the disease.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Most people believe that anorexia is mainly a young females' disease. This is not necessarily true. In fact, studies within the past few years show that male anorexia is about as widespread as in females. In actuality, 80 percent of the people diagnosed with anorexia over the age of 45 are males(Heywood, 1996). Other misconceptions are that ...

Life in the 1920s in Melbourne was much different than the years before

There were drastic changes in Melbourne and also the world. Several changes made were that there is more ways for people to entertain themselves, women started to wear differently, also the form of transport was different. People in the 1920's had many ways to entertain themselves. Several ways they entertained themselves was by watched the football (which was called the VFL because it was only Victorian teams), going to the movies and watching the Melbourne Cup. The VFL is like AFL today but in the 1920's it wasn't Australia wide. Some of the teams that played were Collingwood, Carlton, Geelong, Essendon, South Melbourne, Richmond, St Kilda, Fitzroy and Melbourne. In the 1920's Richmond won the Grand Final that year, Collingwood were the runners up that year. Collingwood lost by 17 points to a crowd of 53,908. The best player during this time was Roy Cazaly; George Bayliss was the leading goal scorer in 1920. Cinemas in Melbourne during the 1920s were in black and white. There was also no sound that was made by the actors. The only sound that they heard was from a piano player that on the side of the screen and played music when it was the right time. Many of the movies seen in the cinemas were from America but there were a couple that were made in Australia. One of the movies shown in cinemas during the 1920's was Soldiers of the Cross; the main characters in this movie were Beatrice Day, Harold Graham. Also in the 1920's the Melbourne Cup was won by a horse named Poitrel, the jokey that was riding him was K.Bracken and the trainer was H.J.Robinson. Erasmus came second and queen comedy came third. Most of the transport in the 1920's was by trains and cars. The trains they had been stream trains which were loud and let out a lot of smoke from their chimneys. Trains only travelled at a few kilometres an hour but were gradually changed to 30km/h during the 1920's. Flinders Station existed during that time and is still used today. Many Australians had cars, it was said that about 500 000 cars were owned in 1929 by Australians. Australia was ranked in the top five nations that owned cars. Most of the cars in Australia were imported from Europe and America but also some were made here in Australia. Most of the cars were run on steam but they began to move towards the petrol cars. Plans were used as a source of transport to go to other countries. Throughout the late 1920's electric trams started to appear in Melbourne Fashion for men and women changed enormously clean-shaven chins became more fashionable than beards and knee-length skirts were high fashion for women. Coats and stoles became fashionable in Melbourne. The ideas of these types of clothing came from the Chinese, Egyptian and the Japanese. Coats were transformed into a more casual which were made from lightweight silks and local fur. They also had coats that had a sensual combination of Chinese, Egyptian and Australian influences.

Obesity Amongst Mexican Children Essay

Abstract: The prevalence of overweight children in the United States of Mexican descent is higher for second generation than their first generation counterparts. First generation immigrants tend to keep a healthier lifestyle by consuming more fresh fruits and vegetables, walking longer distances and smoking less than the more acculturated Mexican-Americans. Acculturation is a major contributing factor for the alarming rates of obesity within Mexican children. When children of Mexican immigrants are exposed to American society, they develop unhealthy habits such as eating pizza and hot dogs during school lunch hours, access to vending machines, and media exposure where they are constantly bombarded with food related commercials of unhealthy nature. A lower socio-economic status, such as the recently immigrated parents, is also a contributing factor for obesity within Mexican children. High calorie and high fat content foods tend to be less expensive than fresh fruits and fresh vegetables, leading to poorer, unhealthier choices. Fast food chains are prohibitory expensive in Mexico, whereas in the US they are not. As young Mexican children develop their sense of identity while they separate from their parents or caregivers and seek acceptance from their American peers, they integrate themselves into the fast food culture leading to obesity amongst Mexican-American children of second generation in the US. The incidence of obesity in Mexican adults has increased markedly over the years. Data from the 1993 National Survey of Chronic Diseases (Encuesta Nacional de Enfermedades Cronicas) showed an obesity prevalence of 21. 5%. The 2000 National Health Survey (Encuesta Nacional de Salud) indicated that 24% of adults suffered obesity. Data from the 2006 National Health and Nutrition Survey (ENSANUT 2006) revealed that 30% of adults of both sexes were obese. (Rojas,R, Aguilar-Salinas, C. , Jimenez, A. , Gomez, F. , Barquera, S. , 2012, p. 8) In the last two decades, the prevalence of childhood obesity, defined as at or above the 95th percentile of body mass index (BMI) for age and gender (Center for Disease Control, 2009), has more than doubled among children aged 6–11 years and tripled among adolescents aged 12–19 years, and here is no evidence that this trend is coming to an end (Ogden, 2002). This is a serious public health concern because obese children and adolescents are at an increased risk for various physical, mental, and emotional health problems, including impaired glucose tolerance , insulin resistance, atherosclerosis , coronary heart disease in adulthood , development of eating disorders, and low self-esteem (Seo, D. & Sa, J. , 2009). The obesity epidemic disproportionately affects racial/ethnic minority children, who are defined as American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian American, Black, African American, Hispanic, Latino, Native Hawaiian, or OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 3 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? other Pacific Islander (CDC, 2009). According to estimates based on the 2001–2002 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), among children aged 6–19 years, 22. 2% of Mexican American children and 20. 5% of non-Hispanic Blacks were obese as compared with only 13. 6% of non-Hispanic whites. Other studies performed by Ogden and colleagues (2002) also affirm a larger prevalence of obesity among Mexican American and Black children compared with white children. These rates of obesity are far from the 2010 national health objective of Healthy People 2010. The higher incidence of obesity among minority children is alarming because these racial/ethnic groups have a lower insulin sensitivity than white children (Seo, D, & Sa, J. 2009). Obesity is an epidemic facing millions of people across the globe, resulting in more than 300,000 deaths in the United States alone (Dishman, 2004). Historically, the majority of people affected by obesity were adults. However, in the last decade this epidemic has spread to our youth. Excess weight in U. S. children has increased in prevalence and has become a serious public health concern. Currently, about 33% of children ages 2–5 in the U. S. are overweight (BMI in the 85th percentile or above), and 12% are considered obese (BMI in the 95th percentile or above) (CDC, 2009). Overweight children have a 70–80% chance of becoming overweight or obese adults, which may lead to an increase in obesity related disease among adults (United States Department of Human Health and Services, 2007). Obesity is one of the leading risk factors for disease and fatal health conditions, such as hypertension, type II diabetes, coronary heart disease, stroke, gallbladder disease, osteoarthritis, sleep apnea and respiratory problems, and some cancers (CDC, 2009). Not only is obesity linked to clinical conditions, but it may also lead to mental health problems such as self-blame and low self-esteem ( Haboush, A., Phebus, T. , Tanata Ashby, D. , Zaikina-Montgomery, H. , & Kindig, K. , 2011). This paper will focus on the contributing factors for the alarming obesity rates amongst Mexican children. Are second generation Mexican children more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts? Mexican immigrant parents usually don’t view obesity as a threatening health issue. In fact, some research reports that Mexican mothers see childhood obesity as a sign of good heath (Rosas et al. ) and thinness as a sigh of illness (Sosa, 2012). Acculturation, or the process of adjusting to a new culture, describes social, psychological, and behavioral changes that an individual undergoes as result of immigration (Buttenheim, A. , Pebley, A. , Hsih, K. , Chung, C. , Goldman, N. , 2012). The drastic changes in lifestyle and social interactions that immigrants encounter upon arriving to the United States often put them at risk for negative health consequences (Ogden et al. , 2009). Of the negative health outcomes associated with OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 4 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?acculturation in Mexican children, obesity is significant because it has implications for development of chronic diseases such as heart disease and Type II Diabetes (CDC, 2009). Mexican children are at increased risk for obesity upon immigration to the United States and are predisposed to development of chronic diseases,(Buscemi, J. , Beech, B. , & Relyea, G. , 2011). Mexican American mothers’ views on obesity, 40% of mothers with overweight children did not identify overweight as a health issue (Ariza et al. , 2004). When weight was used as an indicator of health, parents were more concerned with the health of skinny children than overweight children. Mexican American mothers were concerned with having thin children because a thin child could become sick and die (Small, L. , Melnyk, B. , Anderson-Gifford, D. , & Hampl, J. 2009). A second and less studied mechanism linking nativity of US immigrants to obesity risk is the interconnectedness of the food environment and migration dynamics in the sending country (Buttenheim et al. , 2012). This is particularly relevant in the case of obesity risk for Mexican-origin children in the US, given the large, circular migration flows between the two countries and the well-documented nutrition transition underway in Mexico (Popkin & Udry, 1998). This transition is characterized by a shift from unprocessed and low energy density diets to highly processed, energy dense foods. The transition is due in part to new food marketing strategies and a simultaneous decrease in physical activity that has accompanied urbanization and economic development in Mexico (Popkin &Udry, 1998). Mexico’s nutrition transition has been notably rapid: Mexico now has the second highest rates of adult obesity among OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries (after the US) (Rosas, 2011). A potential explanation for the increased obesity rates within the Mexican immigrants in the US is acculturative stress (Van Hook et al. , 2011). Mexican-origin immigrants, are often faced with discrimination based on race/ethnicity and immigrant status. This discrimination, in turn, leads to chronic stress and psycho-physiological stress responses, which are known to affect health over the long run . Thus, the process of integration into a society that views Mexican-origin immigrants as being of lower status than other social and racial/ethnic groups may itself result in chronic health problems, even if health behaviors remain constant over time and across immigrant generation. Why would duration of time in the US and immigrant generation affect obesity? The acculturation literature has emphasized the importance of dietary changes by duration in the US and across generation: increased acculturation is hypothesized to lead to decreased consumption of healthy foods and increased consumption of processed high OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 5 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? fat/sugar foods. Gordon-Larsen et al. (2003) reported that first generation Mexican immigrant adolescents eat more rice, beans, fruit, and vegetables and less cheese and fast food than second generation Mexican-origin immigrants. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) say that acculturation seems to be a contributing factor for obesity amongst Mexican children. Acculturation can be defined as the process by which immigrants adopt the attitudes, values, customs, beliefs, and behaviors of a new culture. Two studies reported their findings on acculturation and potential implications on the nutritional status of Mexican American children. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) concluded that less acculturated mothers were more likely to provide alternate food choices when a child would not eat and use child-feeding strategies that may contribute to childhood overweight, such as bribes, threats, and punishment. Ariza, Chen, Binns, and Christoffel (2004) conducted a study to test their hypothesis that overweight was more prevalent in highly acculturated Mexican American children aged 5 to 6 years; however, the results did not substantiate an association between overweight and acculturation in this population. Duerksen and colleagues (2007) reported that increased levels of acculturation may lead to higher rates of overweight among Mexican American families if they were eating more meals at fast-food and buffet-style restaurants rather than selecting traditional, authentic Mexican restaurants. Studies indicated that less acculturated Mexican Americans consumed less fat, and more fiber, protein, vitamins A, C, E and B6, folate, calcium, potassium, and magnesium than their more acculturated counterparts (Rosas et al. 2011). Most research conducted across age groups and outcomes indicates that newly-arrived and less acculturated immigrants are healthier and live longer than natives. Unfortunately, this health advantage dissipates with duration of U. S. residence and does not extend to the next generation. In addition to the influence of parents’ acculturation on children’s behaviors, children can accelerate the acculturation process for their families as well because children are more likely to have a consistent exposure to typical American foods at school and likely to affect purchasing decisions of their parents. One of the biggest changes in children’s diets after moving to the United States has been suggested to be with the foods children consume at school. It has been reported that although Mexican American children liked the traditional ethnic foods they received at home, they preferred the American foods they were served at school (e.g. , pizza, hamburgers) (Rosas et al. 2011). Furthermore, there seemed to be a lack of awareness among children about the healthfulness of traditional Mexican foods (such as fruits, vegetables, and beans) or potential health risks of the typical American diet, which was perceived as pizza, hotdogs, hamburgers, and French fries. As children develop their own self and ethnic identities, they may seek separation from their parents and acceptance from their peers, and they may identify fast food and other less healthful food options with the United States culture. This can eventually lead to less healthful dietary patterns both for children and their families because children are likely to affect food-purchasing OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 6 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? decisions in their households (Rosas et al. 2011). When looking into the influence of acculturation on food intake behaviors among children and youths, another important element of the social environment must be addressed: media exposure. Media exposure can have detrimental influences at both ends of the spectrum in terms of eating behaviors: children may adopt an unrealistically thin body image through exposure to popular culture, and unhealthy dieting practices or eating disorders may follow. Alternatively, they may increase their consumption of nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods that they are exposed to through advertisements, and this type of behavior may eventually lead to overweight status. There have been some initiatives to limit food marketing aiming at children, but nutritionally poor and energy dense foods (e.g. , high sugar cereals, candy, soft drinks, chips) still constitute the majority of the foods advertised on television (Kunkel et al. 2009). Several reports indicate that children choose advertised foods at significantly higher rates and attempt to influence their parents to purchase these foods. Unfortunately, advertisement of the nutritionally inferior food choices is not limited to television only; it is widespread through a variety of channels such as schools (vending machines, corporate sponsorship of school events and materials, etc. ), and online applications(e.g. , interactive games, sweepstakes, computer screensavers). Media exposure among children has been increasing over the past 10 years, and according to the 2009 estimates (Kunkel et al. 2009). American children spend about 7. 4 hours per day using or watching media such as television, computers, video games or movies. These estimates seem to be even higher among minorities) and individuals with lower socio economical status( SES) (Sussner et al. 2009). Hispanic youths were reported to spend about 5. 5 hours per day watching television while this estimate was 3. 5 hours per day for non-Hispanic whites in 2009. Moreover, screen time seems to increase with greater acculturation (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). The data from the 2003–04 National Survey of Children’s Health indicated that, in comparison to U. S. -born non-Hispanic white children with U. S. -born parents, foreign-born Hispanic children with immigrant parents were 31 percent more likely and U. S. -born Hispanic children with U. S. -born parents were 51 percent more likely to watch television. Although foreign-born Hispanics seem to be less likely to consume less healthful foods (Osypuk et al.2009), a reverse trend can be seen if these foods are more expensive in the country of origin but cheaper in the United States. For example, qualitative studies indicated that lower cost and increased availability were among the reasons for Mexican Americans to consume snacks, sweets, and fast food more in the United States . An earlier report pointed out that some foods, such as mayonnaise, margarine, and salad dressing were considered high-status items by many low-income families in Latin America (Romero-Gwynn et al. 1993). Similarly, Mexican adults living in Florida reported that in addition to fast food not being as readily available in their native country, it was more expensive than in the United States and therefore, they tended to eat fast food only for special occasions in their native OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 7 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? country. Once these types of foods become more readily available and affordable for the immigrants in the United States, an increase in the consumption levels would be expected. Lower costs, widespread availability, and the convenience of fast food in the United States appear to be an enticing solution especially for time-strapped immigrant families with children (Lindsay et al. 2009). Qualitative studies among immigrants suggest a more relaxed lifestyle in Mexico versus a very busy lifestyle in the United States that leaves less time to cook or prepare foods. This type of lifestyle makes convenience foods very appealing, and it is likely to result in an increase in fast food consumption (Gray et al. 2005). In addition to the economic conditions related to the food environment, limited socioeconomic abilities of individuals also put immigrants at greater risk for unhealthy food intake patterns and entailing health issues. Higher rates of food insecurity and low SES among minorities and immigrants are likely to force individuals to purchase relatively cheaper and filling, but often nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods (Drewnowski and Darmon 2005). A binational study that was conducted in the United States and Mexico provided support for these eating patterns, and it also pointed out the country- or culture-specific variations in these associations. In the United States sample of this study, children with food insecurity were more likely to consume fat, saturated fat, sweets, and fried snacks compared to their food secure counterparts. In Mexico, however, food insecure (versus food secure) children displayed a different food intake pattern that was characterized by higher intakes of carbohydrates, dairy, and vitamin B6 (Rosas et al. 2009). One of the least studied aspects of the relationship between socioeconomic factors and food intake is the residential context and demographic makeup of the neighborhoods. One of the few studies that examined this context in a mostly Hispanic (but mixed ethnic) sample suggested that greater density of immigrants in residential areas was positively related to fruit and vegetable intake after controlling for individual factors such as age, race/ethnicity, language, country of birth, and education (Dubowitz et al. 2008). Another study also reported that high-fat/processed food intake (fats, oils, processed meats, fried potatoes, salty snacks, desserts) was lower in immigrant-dense neighborhoods even after controlling for SES, demographic factors, and acculturation (Rosas et al.2011). These results indicate beneficial dietary intake patterns for all residents (immigrant or not) residing in that area. Some of the potential factors underlying these results could be resulting from socioeconomic advantages through greater social capital, availability of stores with healthier ethnic food options, and higher consumption of healthier food intake habits, social norms, and values in the ethnically dense neighborhoods (Dubowitz et al. 2008). OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 8 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? Highly acculturated Hispanic adults were more likely to have higher BMIs than their less acculturated counterparts. Similarly, second or third generation Hispanic youths were reported to be more likely overweight than their first generation counterparts (Popkin and Udry 1998). For adults, the difference in the overweight status by acculturation seems to be seen usually in a range of 10 to 21 years of residence in the United States, but interestingly, BMI differences were detectable by age two among less acculturated mothers’ children in a mostly Hispanic sample (Sussner et al. 2009). Some of the mechanisms underlying these findings could be the existence of cultural beliefs that associate overweight status among children with perception of good health (Sussner et al. 2009), failing to recognize overweight status, or acceptance of a larger body size as a desirable body image among Hispanics. Taken together, these cultural preferences can lead to obesity over time with the additional contribution of the typical environment in the United States that stimulates consumption of energy-dense foods and discourages physical activities. Certain food intake patterns (e. g., energy-dense foods) can lead to overweight or obese status as people acculturate. Although a factor analysis of nationally representative data from the NHANES 2001–02 did not indicate a specific dietary intake pattern in relationship to BMI or waist circumference (as measures of overall or central adiposity) among Mexican Americans (Carrera et al. 2007), it is possible that dietary intake might be related to obesity indirectly, or collectively with other lifestyle factors (e. g. , physical activity). It is also possible that the effects might be most pronounced at specific time periods during acculturation. Supporting this potential mechanism is the results from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health indicating that increased probability of overweight, which was related to changes in lifestyle factors (i. e. , screen time, diet), was detectable among first generation Mexican adolescents but not among second (or more) generation participants (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). Although social economic status (SES) is also linked to obesity, this association seems to vary depending on the SES measures used and also by race or ethnicity. For example, in a nationally representative sample of children, both education and income were negatively related to BMI among non-Hispanic whites, but only income was positively related to BMI among Hispanics (Balistreri and Van Hook 2009). As suggested by the authors, increasing education level may be a reflection of changes in knowledge, learning abilities, social class, and personal skills while higher income among immigrants might be an indicator of greater purchasing capacity, which can result in less healthful eating patterns in the absence of adequate nutrition knowledge, skills, and a healthful food environment. SES also seems to have gender-specific and long-term consequences. Data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey among adolescents indicated that there was a strong positive association between long-term (persistent) low SES and obesity among females. Among males, however, obesity rates were highest among those who had a socioeconomically disadvantaged beginning but gained autonomy, for example, home ownership later on. Most importantly, the report pointed out that the effect of SES on OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 9 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?obesity was probably initiated before adolescence (Scharoun-Lee et al. 2009). Conclusion: The research has shown that second generation Mexican children are in fact more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts. 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